While it’s comforting to just blame the GOP for the unhappiness with health reform threatening the president’s re-election, the truth is that Barack Obama repeatedly botched, bungled and bobbled the health reform message. There were three big mistakes:
The Passionless Play
While Candidate Obama proclaimed a passionate moral commitment to fix American healthcare, President Obama delved into legislative details.
When a Baptist minister at a nationally televised town hall asked in mid-2009 whether reform would cause his benefits to be taxed due to“government taking over healthcare,” Candidate Obama might have replied that 22,000 of the minister’s neighbors die each year because they lack any benefits at all. Instead, President Obama’s three-part reply recapped his plans for tax code fairness.
While Republicans railed about mythical “death panels,” and angry Tea Party demonstrators held signs showing Obama with a Hitler mustache, the president opted to leave emotion to his opponents. The former grassroots organizer who inspired a million people of all ages and ethnicities to flock to Washington for his inauguration never once tried to mobilize ordinary Americans to demand a basic right available in all other industrialized nations. In fact, he hasn’t even mobilized the nearly 50 million uninsured, who have no more favorable opinion about the new law than those with health insurance!
When CNN captured a sobbing middle-aged woman telling Sen. Tom Coburn (R-OK) of her husband’s brain tumor, only to get the reply,“Government is not the answer,” the president might have helped all Americans feel her pain. He did nothing of the sort. The public face of “Obamacare” was never a mother, father, spouse or child, but, just as the Republicans wished, it remained…Obama.
The Friend (or Enemy) of the People
Hard as it is to recall, a New York Times-CBS News poll in mid-2009 showed nearly three-quarters of Americans supported universal coverage through a government-administered plan like Medicare. But the survey also revealed “considerable unease about the impact of heightened government involvement on…the quality of the respondents’ own medical care.”
That unease surfaced even in the heart of liberal Chicago, at a Second City show satirizing the new president. A doctor tells a woman her diagnosis gives her only three months to live. When she pleads for help, the doctor tells her the good news is that Obama’s health reform plan means she’s scheduled for her next visit just six months from now. The parking lot was packed with “Obama ’08″ stickers, but the audience still broke out in laughter.
The comedy worked because it connected with real feelings. GOP consultant Frank Luntz soon urged Republicans to stress quality-of-care concerns. Obama and team remained tone deaf. Three years later, the same Times-CBS poll showed only one in five Americans thought the ACA would help them personally. A full third expected their quality of care to worsen, and just 17 percent expected it would get better.
In fact, though the individual mandate to buy insurance has received the most attention, the ACA is filled with provisions to improve care quality and individuals’ care. But for many middle-class voters, the answer to, “What’s in health reform for me?” was allowed to become, “Nothing good.”
The Caricatured Crusader
When GOP leaders decided to just say no to Obamacare, they were honest about their political calculus. The polarization worked.
The number of Republicans saying reform would make their lives “worse off” started at only 22 percent in early 2009, according to the Kaiser Family Foundation (KFF) tracking poll, before jumping to 61 percent that summer. Just 11 percent of the critical independents began by thinking that health care reform would make them worse off, but that percentage more than tripled by summer to 36 percent.
In early 2010, the White House posted a list detailing which proposals by which Republicans had echoes in the ACA. That the mandate had originated in the conservative Heritage Foundation was nowhere to be found. Nor did the White House note that the GOP’s 2008 presidential platform had called for coordinated care and other changes almost identical to ACA provisions. In the event, none of this information was used to respond to the GOP attacks that helped sweep out Democratic candidates in the 2010 election tsunami.
It was only this past March that the administration, acting as if the Supreme Court’s ACA hearing was a political pep rally, sprang into action. It activated supporters, talked up the ACA’s Republican roots and rolled out press releases touting the law’s benefits for average Americans. It was too little, too late.
A 2009 report by the Institute of Medicine concluded that the consequences of a lack of access to medical care include “needless illness, suffering, and even death,” with the victims frequently being children. Yet health reform’s opponents have managed to switch the discussion from dead kids to the Constitution’s commerce clause. All the while, Barack Obama has flailed and failed to convince the American people that “Obamacare” is change they can believe in.
Doctors in America are harboring an embarrassing secret: Many of them are going broke.
This quiet reality, which is spreading nationwide, is claiming a wide range of casualties, including family physicians, cardiologists and oncologists.
Industry watchers say the trend is worrisome. Half of all doctors in the nation operate a private practice. So if a cash crunch forces the death of an independent practice, it robs a community of a vital health care resource.
"A lot of independent practices are starting to see serious financial issues," said Marc Lion, CEO of Lion & Company CPAs, LLC, which advises independent doctor practices about their finances.
Doctors list shrinking insurance reimbursements, changing regulations, rising business and drug costs among the factors preventing them from keeping their practices afloat. But some experts counter that doctors' lack of business acumen is also to blame.
Dr. William Pentz, 47, a cardiologist with a Philadelphia private practice, and his partners had to tap into their personal assets to make payroll for employees last year. "And we still barely made payroll last paycheck," he said. "Many of us are also skimping on our own pay."
Pentz said recent steep 35% to 40% cuts in Medicare reimbursements for key cardiovascular services, such as stress tests and echocardiograms, have taken a substantial toll on revenue. "Our total revenue was down about 9% last year compared to 2010," he said.
"These cuts have destabilized private cardiology practices," he said. "A third of our patients are on Medicare. So these Medicare cuts are by far the biggest factor. Private insurers follow Medicare rates. So those reimbursements are going down as well."
Pentz is thinking about an out. "If this continues, I might seriously consider leaving medicine," he said. "I can't keep working this way."
Also on his mind, the impending 27.4% Medicare pay cut for doctors. "If that goes through, it will put us under," he said.
Federal law requires that Medicare reimbursement rates be adjusted annually based on a formula tied to the health of the economy. That law says rates should be cut every year to keep Medicare financially sound.
Although Congress has blocked those cuts from happening 13 times over the past decade, most recently on Dec. 23 with a two-month temporary "patch," this dilemma continues to haunt doctors every year.
Beau Donegan, senior executive with a hospital cancer center in Newport Beach, Calif., is well aware of physicians' financial woes.
"Many are too proud to admit that they are on the verge of bankruptcy," she said. "These physicians see no way out of the downward spiral of reimbursement, escalating costs of treating patients and insurance companies deciding when and how much they will pay them."
Donegan knows an oncologist "with a stellar reputation in the community" who hasn't taken a salary from his private practice in over a year. He owes drug companies $1.6 million, which he wasn't reimbursed for.
Dr. Neil Barth is that oncologist. He has been in the top 10% of oncologists in his region, according to U.S. News Top Doctors' ranking. Still, he is contemplating personal bankruptcy.
That move could shutter his 31-year-old clinical practice and force 6,000 cancer patients to look for a new doctor.
Changes in drug reimbursements have hurt him badly. Until the mid-2000's, drugs sales were big profit generators for oncologists.
In oncology, doctors were allowed to profit from drug sales. So doctors would buy expensive cancer drugs at bulk prices from drug makers and then sell them at much higher prices to their patients.
"I grew up in that system. I was spending $1.5 million a month on buying treatment drugs," he said. In 2005, Medicare revised the reimbursement guidelines for cancer drugs, which effectively made reimbursements for many expensive cancer drugs fall to less than the actual cost of the drugs.
H. Gilbert Welch, MD is a professor of medicine at the Dartmouth Institute for Health Policy and Clinical Practice. He is the co-author of Overdiagnosed: Making People Sick in the Pursuit of Health. This post originally appeared in the L.A. Times.
Everybody knows what the federal budget’s long-term problem is. The president knows. The Republicans in Congress know. The Democrats in Congress know. The policy community knows. You know.
It’s Medicare.
I am a physician who has been studying Medicare data throughout my professional life. But now that I’m closing in on becoming a beneficiary, I am thinking more about what I’d like my Medicare program to look like.
My Medicare would be guided by three basic principles:
It should not bankrupt our children. Let’s be clear: Medicare is rightly the central source of concern in the deficit debate. Its expenditures are totally out of control, and represent a huge income transfer to the elderly from their children. It’s a program crying out for a budget.
So let’s pick a number — more specifically, a proportion of total economic output — to cap Medicare. Now the number is 3% to 4% of GDP. We can live with that. Distribute it to geographic regions based simply on how many beneficiaries live there. Expect howls of protest: Urban areas will complain their labor costs are higher; rural areas will complain they cannot achieve the same economies of scale. And everybody will argue that their patients are sicker.
Ignore them all: Make it a block-grant program. Sure, this raises other issues, but you get the principle.
For those who view this as a tea party solution, consider this: I drive a 1999 Volvo and live in Vermont — that should tell you something.
It should not waste money on low-yield medicine. I don’t change my Volvo’s oil every 1,500 miles, even though some mechanics might argue that it would be better for its engine. Nor do I buy new tires every 10,000 miles, even though doing so would arguably make my car safer. But in Medicare (as well as the rest of U.S. medical care) such low-yield interventions are routine.
Measurements considered normal in the past now trigger treatment for high blood pressure, high cholesterol, diabetes and osteoporosis. Tiny abnormalities that were invisible in the past now trigger follow-up scans, fiber-optic examinations, biopsies and surgery.
Increasingly, all Medicare beneficiaries are being viewed as being “at-risk” for something, particularly heart disease and cancer. We doctors joke that the well person is the one we have not examined thoroughly enough. (The last Medicare skin exam that failed to identify something that might lead to skin cancer occurred in 1970.)
But it’s not funny anymore. Because once you are labeled at-risk, something must be done.
My Medicare would recognize the problems with this approach. Because almost everyone is transformed into a patient needing intervention, it’s an approach that costs a huge amount of money. And no matter what we doctors do, we can’t take you to zero risk.
But we can cause harm. Our medications have side effects; our surgeries and procedures have complications. And occasionally our interventions cause death.
My Medicare would focus on patients who are genuinely sick: those who have symptoms (e.g., chest pain) or are at high risk of something bad happening (e.g., really high blood pressure). These are the patients for whom the benefits of medical intervention clearly outweigh the harms. The rest of us are better off left alone.
That’s right, most of us would do just as well — or better — with less medical care. Restoring balance to the system will first require more balanced information for patients because what they get now systematically exaggerates the benefits and downplays (or ignores) the harms of intervention.
But it will also require that someone take responsibility for deciding which treatments should be provided based on the evidence of which treatments lead to better outcomes. If you don’t want the government to do this, then your doctor will need to step up to the plate. And the only way that will happen is to balance his financial incentives.
Those who believe they have a fundamental right to receive low-yield, ineffective and harmful care are sure to invoke the “R-word”: rationing. But let’s hope they at least have the good sense not to say it while at the same time arguing for less government spending because they don’t want to bankrupt their children.
It should recognize the value of having time to talk with your doctor. The current system rewards physicians for doing things to patients, not for talking with them. Not surprisingly, we do too much. Too many clinic visits lead to another medication being started, another test being ordered and a referral to another physician. The end result is totally predictable: too many medicines, too much testing and too many cooks in the kitchen.
But there is another problem: Subsequent clinic visits are increasingly devoted to going over medicines, reviewing test results and figuring out what the other physicians had to say. No wonder patients are increasingly dissatisfied with the process.
My Medicare would reward doctors for taking time to have a conversation. It would recognize the value of acknowledging suffering, providing reassurance, discussing options and learning how different patients want to approach care.
What would I want to talk about with my doctor? Maybe it’s a topic, however mundane, that means something to me, like whether the Jets will knock off the Patriots again this year. This serves a purpose: I want to know (and like) my doctor.
I want to talk about important things too, things that are bothering me right now. I want my doctor to care, provide insight as to what is going on, and to consider carefully whether or not medicine can help. I don’t want a knee-jerk response to some perceived need to “do something” on my behalf. I value the physician who can candidly discuss what medicine can and cannot to.
By the way, that takes time. It requires a system that rewards doctors as much for thinking about (and talking with) patients as doing things to them.
I want to talk about aging gracefully. My Medicare would be really good at this. It would help patients understand the trade-offs between the length of life and the quality of life. It would help patients understand why the side effects of early detection — overdiagnosis and overtreatment — are even more pronounced as they age (simply because there is less time for abnormalities to become important problems). And it would help patients understand the futility and the suffering caused by aggressive interventions at the end of life.
If you were hoping to play the “death panel” card, now’s your chance. But don’t play it and then pretend you care about the budget.
During the healthcare reform debate, I wrote that most people’s attitudes to it were “confused, conflicted, clueless and cranky.” A major reason was that the American healthcare “system” is fiendishly complicated and few people really understand it. As a result hardly anyone knows much about what is actually in the reform bill (but that does not prevent them from having strong opinions about it). Sadly, the reforms, whatever their merits, will make the system even more complicated, the administration more Byzantine and the regulatory burden more onerous. System complexity.
The American healthcare system is already by far the most complex and bureaucratic in the world. We were once asked to spend ninety minutes explaining American healthcare to a group of foreign health care executives. Ninety minutes? We probably needed a few weeks. Most other countries have relatively simple systems, whether insurance coverage is provided by a government plan or by private insurance or some combination of these. But in the United States insurance coverage, for those who have it, may be provided by Medicare Parts A, B, C, and D, 50 different state Medicaid programs (or MediCal in California), Medicare Advantage, Medigap plans, the Children’s Health Insurance Plan, the Women, Infants and Children Program, the Veterans Administration, the Federal Employees Health Benefits Program, the military, the hundreds of thousands of employer-provided plans and their insurance companies, or by the individual insurance market. This insurance may be paid for by the federal or state governments, by employers, labor unions or individuals. Some employers’ plans cover retirees, others do not. The result is that the system is pluralistic, mysterious, capricious and impossible for most patients and providers to understand.
Administrative complexity
The administrative complexity is amplified by the multiplicity of insurance plans. About half of all Americans with private health insurance are covered by self-insured plans, each with its own plan design. Employers customize their plan documents, led by consultants who make a good living designing their plans and tailoring their contracts. As one prominent consultant told me recently, if all the self-insured plan documents were piled on a table they would not just exceed the 2,700 pages of Obamacare, they would probably reach the moon. For the rest of the commercially insured population, health plans may be traditional indemnity plans, Preferred Provider Organizations or Health Maintenance Organizations.
The coverage provided by different plans varies dramatically. They may or may not include large or small deductibles, co-pays or co-insurance. Beneficiaries may pay a large, small or no part of their health insurance premiums. Some plans cover dependent family members and children, others do not. The Medicare Part D pharmaceutical benefit plan involves a “doughnut hole,” which will disappear as health reforms are implemented. Surveys have found that few people fully understand their own insurance plans let alone the bigger picture. While health reform takes some steps toward standardization of insurance offerings and improving transparency, overall it is likely to increase complexity.
Physicians may be paid by salary, fee-for-service, or capitation, with “pay for performance” bonuses based on complicated metrics. In order to get paid, most doctors and hospitals have to use many thousands of codes to describe the care they have delivered. Doctors can spend hours a day doing this; hospitals employ tens of thousands of coders; insurance companies and government programs spend a small fortune entering and checking this coding. A substantial proportion of payment claims are disputed, further increasing administrative costs and the “hassle factor.”
Some insurance companies are for-profit, some are not-for-profit. Hospitals may be for-profit, not-for-profit charities or be run by federal government agencies such as the VA or the DOD or by cities.
The administrative complexity exists in the private and public sectors and in both for-profit and non-profit organizations. Medicare is relatively efficient because it has a simple criterion for eligibility – your age (although it also covers people with disabilities). But for many of us administrative complexity is rampant because health insurance is a function of our jobs or our income (or lack of it). Our insurance changes often (because our employers change their plans, because we change jobs or because our income changes), far more often than it does in other countries. As a result we have armies of people who sell insurance, keep track of who is eligible for what, chase, authorize or deny payments, and lob faxes, emails and assorted missives at us and each other. In Los Angeles County, 1,900 people work on nothing but MediCal eligibility with a union-mandated productivity target of completing two forms a day. There are an estimated 150,000 such eligibility workers across the country. The health reform bill proposes to expand Medicaid by 16 million so the number and cost of these workers will surely increase.
Regulatory complexity
Different parts of the healthcare system are managed or regulated by dozens of Federal government and state agencies, including the Department of Health and Human Services, the Center for Medicare and Medicaid Services, the Centers for Disease Control, the Veterans Administration, the Food and Drug Administration, and the Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality. One report claims that the health care reform bill will create 183 new agencies, including state insurance exchanges and a Medicare Independent Payment Advisory Board (IPAB) and the Center for Medicare and Medicaid Innovation.
And then there are the acronyms. If you don’t know them you will not understand much of the health policy debate: PPACA, DHSS, FDA, CMS, VA, CDC, AHRQ, SRG, MLR, HMO, PPO, PBM, COBRA, P4P, CER, EMR, HIT, DRG, FEHBP, WIC, CHIP, DSH, MMA, and many more.
I believe that this complexity is a major reason why we have (and this is very well documented) the most expensive, inequitable, inefficient and unpopular healthcare system of any developed country, with poor to mediocre outcomes. The problem is not the doctors or the hospitals, but the system. Reimbursement, with its many thousands of points of public and private sector payment and the mindboggling payment rules, creates a bow wave of administrative costs and many perverse incentives. And these costs are the incomes of powerful interests who fight to preserve them.
The American “system” is exponentially more complicated than the systems in other countries – and the reforms will make it even more complicated. Unfortunately reform that would simplify the system is probably not politically feasible. A benign dictator might scrap the system and start over with a much simpler system. But in a democracy, with powerful interests and 17% of our economy involved, “you can’t get there from here.” We have to build on what we have, heaping complexity on complexity.
It is therefore no wonder that surveys find most people (including, it would appear, many members of Congress) understand very little about the health care system let alone health care reform. A recent Harris poll asked people which of 18 items are or are not in the reform bill. Modest majorities were able to give the right answer for only 4 of the items. And pluralities got the answer wrong on nine of the items. For example pluralities believed that the bill includes higher income taxes for the middle class, new ways to ration care, a new government run health plan, cuts in Medicare benefits, increased payroll taxes and “death panels”.
I’m often asked why healthcare has been slow to automate its processes compared to other industries such as the airlines, shipping/logistics, or the financial services industry.
Many clinicians say that healthcare is different.
I’m going to be a bit controversial in this post and agree that healthcare has unique challenges that make it more difficult to automate than other industries.
Here’s an inventory of the issues
1. Flow of funds – Hospitals and professionals are seldom paid by their customer. Payment usually comes from an intermediary such as the government or insurance payer. Thus, healthcare IT resources are focused on back office systems that facilitate communications between providers and payers rather than innovative retail workflows such as those found at the Apple Store.
2. Hiring and training the workforce – Important members of the workforce, the physicians delivering care, are seldom employed by the hospital. This is rare if not non-existent in any other industry. It’s as if Toyota built a factory that anyone can use but does not hire or train the workers who build cars. If someone wanted to create a Toyota with wings and an outboard motor, they would have the freedom to do it.
3. Negotiating Price – Reimbursement no longer is based on a price schedule hospitals and professionals can control. It is based on a prospective payment model such as DRGs that someone else designs and dictates. Where else in the US do prices get dictated to a firm?
4. Establishing referral relationships – We cannot market services to those who control our patient flow due to Stark anti-kickback regulations. In other industries, you can build relationships, offer special incentives, and arrange mutually beneficial deals to develop your referral business. In healthcare, it’s illegal even when unilaterally funding an action would make things easier for both parties and the patient.
5. Standardizing the product – In most industries, the product or service can be standardized to improve efficiency and quality. In healthcare, every person is chemically, structurally, and emotionally unique. What works for one person may or may not work for another. In this environment, it is difficult to standardize and personalize care in parallel.
6. Choosing the customer – In most other industries, you can choose with whom you do business. Not so in healthcare. If you have an emergency department, you must provide treatment even if the customer has no means to pay.
7. Compliance – Data flows in healthcare in increasingly regulated. What other business, including the IRS, is required to produce, on-demand, a three year look back of everyone who accessed your information within their firm.
As I noted in speech about the Burden of Compliance “the more complex a health system becomes, the more difficult it becomes to find any system design that has a higher fitness.”
We are successfully automating healthcare workflows, motivated by HITECH incentives and the requirements of healthcare reform. The seven characteristics above have required vendors to create full featured software applications and organizations to create complex rollout/funding models that take time. By 2015 we will be there and I will be proud of all we’ve accomplished, given that the constraints on the healthcare industry are truly different than industries which have been earlier adopters of technology.
According to Kevin Pho, MD, if you’re a physician or hospital that relies on Medicare payments, grim times are ahead. I agree, as I believe it will be even worse than the scheduled 29% payment cut that’s scheduled to go into effect in 2013. Bottom line – It’s a terrible deal for health care providers.
Under the contentious debt ceiling agreement, significant cuts in Medicare dollars will be made. But beneficiaries are mostly protected. Instead, it’s the physicians and hospitals who will be affected the most.
According to Politico,
“Under terms of the hurried deal, the 12-member joint committee would be charged with crafting proposals that trim at least $1.2 trillion in federal spending over the next decade. Those savings could be found in a number of programs, including Medicare and especially Medicaid, which the White House has signaled it would be open to.”
If the panel can’t come up with enough savings, automatic cuts would go into effect. Medicaid, Social Security and veterans’ benefits would be protected. But providers could see a 2 percent cut in Medicare reimbursement.”
Worse, if the Congressional super committee cannot come to an agreement, a “trigger” will automatically make draconian Medicare cuts. And, yes, those cuts will specifically target provider payments.
The trigger is meant to be unappealing to both political parties, in order to incentivize them to come to a deal. For conservatives, that means deep cuts in military spending.
But for Democrats, the cut in Medicare primarily targets providers and hospitals, and leaves beneficiaries mostly untouched. That doesn’t seem too unappealing for progressives, as most believe physicians are overpaid anyways. That’s why some are saying Democrats may even prefer the trigger to a deal.
Furthermore, Politico also notes that the decision whether to “trigger” deep provider Medicare payments come at the same time as extending the doc fix.
To put it in plain terms, I wouldn’t be surprised to see deep cuts in provider and hospital Medicare payments, on top of the previously scheduled 29% cut sans doc fix. We’re talking a combined 30-40% cut or more. So, if Medicare patients are having a hard time finding a doctor now, it’s nothing compared to the shortages that will come soon.
Recently, Michael Zhuang wrote that the physician lobby was suspiciously quiet during the debt ceiling debate:
“Compared to lawyers, the insurance industry, and even seniors, time and time again physicians have failed to make their voices heard. No wonder their interests get sacrificed in every political turn of events.”
Now that we know the outcome, and the horrific impact on Medicare providers, it’s clear that we’ve paid a steep price for our silence.
I’m amazed at just how quickly physician employment has swung from small independent practices to hospital-based employment. I’ve heard about it anecdotally from medical societies and malpractice carriers who are seeing their constituents shift, and have certainly observed the shift from individual physicians, but I’m still surprised how fast it’s occurring. A new report from recruiter Merritt Hawkins tells the clearest story I’ve seen:
> In the last 12 months, 56% of physician search assignments have been for hospital jobs, whereas 5 years ago it was just 23%
> Just 2% of assignments were for independent, solo practice doctors compared with 17% 5 years ago
Doctors are becoming more like regular wage earners, albeit high paid ones. There are some strong drivers of this trend including the need to support health information technology, comply with regulations and deal with health plans. There’s also a desire on the part of a younger, increasingly female physician workforce to have a better balance between work and home life. If anything the forces pulling physicians into hospital employment will strengthen in the near term with the arrival of Accountable Care Organizations and other forms of deep integration.
Yet when a pendulum swings it tends to swing too far. Especially considering how quickly things have moved, I do expect that there will be some backlash to the rush into employment. It’s really not all that much fun having a boss, especially when that boss is a big, bureaucratic hospital with other things on its priority list besides MD satisfaction and career development. Patients may not like it so much either. I know I’d rather see a physician who’s not too tightly tied to a hospital.
So what will the reversal look like? I don’t think it’s going to be doctors rushing to put up their own shingles or buy practices of retiring doctors like in the old days. Instead I expect to see a new breed of physician employers who recognize what’s needed to make doctors happy, treat patients well, manage compliance, and still make money. One example is so-called direct primary care practices such as Qliance. Time will tell what other forms develop.
Doctors practicing in the U.S. are becoming increasingly conscious of the increasing costs of health care. Most consider themselves cost-conscious, and are considering the impact of their practice patterns — in terms of prescribing medicines, tests, and procedures — on the nation’s health bill. In fact, most physicians feel they have a responsibility to bring down health costs. This perspective on physicians comes from the survey report, ‘ The New Cost-Conscious Doctor: Changing America’s Healthcare Landscape,’ from Bain & Company, published in March 2011. Bain spoke with over 300 U.S. physicians to assess their perspectives on managing costs, drug and device usage, and standardized care protocols. The top-line finding is that, regardless of physician demographic — whether male or female, salaried or productivity-based, specialist or generalized, urban or rural, young or mature, doctors uniformly see that they must change clinical practice patterns to accommodate the realities of health economics. The impacts of this on the practice will be many, including:
- Consolidating practices, increasingly being absorbed into hospital systems
- Decreasing utilization as a direct response to incentives
- Promoting preventive care
- Adapting to standardized treatment protocols.
Key Point to Ponder: Bain rightly points out that these changed physician attitudes and behaviors will ripple through the health supply chain on to life science, medical device, pharmaceutical and technology companies. Organizations in these health supply segments must demonstrate value to physicians and patients in the larger health ecosystem in order to be adopted into clinical practice. That physicians see cost management as part of their jobs now means that their decisions will be increasingly impacted by their collective cost consciousness lens. Accountable care models, medical homes and more tightly integrated delivery networks will bolster this approach and tightly focus that cost conscious lens. Physicians will be less inclined to try out new-new products without firm proof-of-concept and references from peer physicians who are influencers in their field. Over one-half of physicians told Bain that they’d be using comparative effectiveness analyses within two years. Furthermore, physicians are growing more comfortable with practice protocols and standardized care, Bain found. They’re using clinical guidelines more often in 2011 than five years ago; this is especially true of younger physicians, who more often refer to practice guidelines for patients. The mass adoption and full implementation of electronic health records will enable such protocols to be pushed to clinicians at the point-of-care. In fact, physicians expect a five-fold increase in the prevalence of electronic access to clinical treatment guidelines, and an eight-fold increase in pay-for-performance programs. For manufacturers in the health supply chain, the major challenge is to develop and market products that help lower the costs of health care. That’s the new definition of “innovation” in healthcare.
The following is an article written and reprinted in its entirety by Senator Bernie Sanders (Independent) from Vermont that mirrors my beliefs when it comes to health care reform and the only possible solution.
The United States is the only major nation in the industrialized world that does not guarantee health care as a right to its people. Meanwhile, we spend about twice as much per capita on health care and, in a wide number of instances, our outcomes are not as good as others that spend far less.
It is time that we bring about a fundamental transformation of the American health-care system. It is time for us to end private, for-profit participation in delivering basic coverage. It is time for the United States to provide a Medicare-for-all, single payer health coverage program.
Under our dysfunctional system, 45,000 Americans a year die because they delay seeking care they cannot afford. We spent 17.6% of our GDP on health care in 2009, which is projected to go up to 20% by 2020, yet we still rank 26th among major, developed nations on life expectancy and 31st on infant mortality. We must demand a better model of health coverage that emphasizes preventive and primary care for every single person without regard for their ability to pay.
It is certainly a step forward that the new health reform law is projected to cover 32 million additional Americans, out of the more than 50 million uninsured today. Yet projections suggest that roughly 23 million will still be without insurance in 2019, while health-care costs will continue to skyrocket.
Twenty-three million Americans still without health insurance after health reform is implemented? This is unacceptable. And that is why, this week, Representative Jim McDermott and I are announcing the re-introduction of the American Health Security Act, recognizing health care as a human right and providing every US citizen and permanent resident with health-care coverage and services through a state-administered, single payer program.
Let’s face it: until we put patients over profits, our system will not work for ordinary Americans.
It is incomprehensible that drug companies still get away with charging Americans twice as much, or more, than citizens of Canada or Europe for the exact same drugs manufactured by the exact same companies. It is an outrage that insurers still often hike premiums 20%, 40% and 60% a year on individual policy holders; and some insurers still spend 40 cents of every premium dollar on administration and profits while lavishing multimillion-dollar payouts on their CEOs.
It boggles the mind that approximately 30% of every health-care dollar spent in the United States goes to administrative costs, rather than to delivering care. We must do better. Taiwan, for example, spends only a little over 6% of GDP on health care, while achieving better health outcomes on some key indicators than we do; yet they spend a relative pittance on administrative costs.
I am very proud that my home state of Vermont is now taking big steps to lead the nation in health care by moving forward on a plan to establish a single payer health-care system that puts the interests of patients over chasing profits. The American Health Security Act would make sure every state does the same — taking profits out of the equation by implementing a single-payer system, but letting each state administer its own program, according to strict standards, in a way best suited to its needs.
The goal of real health-care reform must be high-quality, universal coverage in a cost-effective way. We must ensure, to as great a degree as possible, that the money we put into health coverage goes to the delivery of health care, not to paper-pushing, astronomical profits and lining CEOs’ pockets.
Bernie Sanders is the U.S. Senator (I) from Vermont, and the longest serving independent member of Congress in American history. He is a member of the Senate’s Budget, Veterans, Environment, Energy, and H.E.L.P. (Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions) committees.
The Oath and Law of Hippocrates, sometimes referred to as the Hippocratic Oath, is perhaps the first document outlining what I term as “Responsible Healthcare.” It is the responsibility of the physician, or anyone providing health care to a patient, to administer that care to the best of their ability. To use all of their knowledge, extensive training and education to give quality care and ultimately, do everything in their power to save lives – one life at a time. So how is the healthcare profession doing with their “oath?” Taken as a whole, are they practicing “responsible healthcare?” Let’s see what some of the statistics have to say. There are always two sides to every statistical coin. Perception isn’t always reality, so stay with me through the stats. Responsible Healthcare: 1. The U.S. spends 16% of its’ Gross Domestic Product on Healthcare, which is more than any other country in the world. 2. The World Health Organization (WHO) ranks the U.S. health system 37th among industrialized nations. 3. According to WHO, U.S. life expectancy ranks 24th in the world. 4. Life extension magazine says that there are 7.5 million unnecessary surgical procedures and 8.9 million unnecessary hospitalizations per year. 5. According to the Institute of Medicine (IOM), preventable medical error is the 8th leading cause of death in the nation. Some studies show that number to be much higher. Convinced that the healthcare sky is falling? Let’s take a closer look. In an article entitled Americans down on the U.S. health-care system by Kirsten Gerencher of MarketWatch, the author concurs that “Americans are fed up with the headaches in their system,” “but” adds Uwe Reinhardt, professor of economic and public affairs at Princeton University, “that's generally not due to the quality of care they receive.” In the article, Dr. Reinhardt went on to say that “Doctors and nurses routinely hear demoralizing news that U.S. medicine is inferior when the real problem is the way we finance health care and the hassle of claiming insurance," he said. I think I’ll take Dr. Reinhardt’s example one step further. Let’s take a quick look at those statistics again.
- Statistic #1 is about spending. Americans spend a lot on healthcare – no surprise there.
- Statistic #2 ranks the U.S. healthcare system in general.
- Statistic #3 refers to life expectancy.
- Statistic #4 references “unnecessary surgeries.”
- Statistic #5 references “unnecessary hospitalizations.”
- Statistic #6 discusses “preventable medical error.”
Healthcare Responsibility: So who’s ultimately responsible for healthcare? As a patient or consumer of healthcare, how many of the statistics above do you think you have an influence over? Can you shop around for the best care, at an affordable price (Statistic #1)? As per Dr. Reinhardt’s comment, the healthcare “system” doesn’t necessarily refer to the quality of care received (#2). Do you think that you can have an impact on your own life expectancy (#3)? How about “unnecessary” (recognize that word for what it is) surgeries or hospitalizations (#4 & #5)? And finally, there’s a reason this statistic refers to medical error as “preventable” (#6)! Yes, malpractice is at an all-time high, but according to an article in the New York Times, “Only a small percentage of doctors account for most of the money paid out in malpractice cases.” The Times cites a 12-year study conducted by the Department of Health and Human Services and the National Practitioner Data Bank (NPDB) saying that 54% of all malpractice payouts were paid by 5% of the physicians. Do you know what that means? Well, the most obvious is that 5% of the physicians in this country are “repeat offenders.” They’re “bad eggs” in the system. But perhaps not so obvious is the fact that statistically speaking, the majority of the physicians in the U.S. are giving excellent quality care! As someone who spent the last 15 years in the healthcare field, I know all too well about the “bad docs” out there (the 5%). And yet, my family and friends receive quality healthcare on a consistent basis! Why? Because there are plenty of good doctors, nurses, physicians assistants etc. out there who take their responsibilities seriously. My question to you is, when was the last time you felt a personal responsibility for your own care? I acknowledge and respect the oath taken by physicians – I don’t discount it in the least. But we should all have our own oath or law stating that we’re going to watch out for ourselves. That we’re going to take an active role in our own care. As we take our personal “healthcare responsibility” seriously, we can turn the tables on the statistics, the perception and even the reality of healthcare in America. Imagine one person at a time, taking personal responsibility for their own healthcare. Can you see how reform happens? I’m feeling pretty good about my personal “life expectancy” statistic right about now. How about you?
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